Team of Rivals 《林肯与劲敌幕僚》讲述关于亚伯拉罕·林肯和林肯内阁的真实历史 荣获第85届奥斯卡男主角奖 当当网5星级英文学习产品 下载 pdf 百度网盘 epub 免费 2025 电子书 mobi 在线

　　"Team of Rivals" is a brilliant, multi-million selling

biography, now the inspiration for a major Stephen Spielberg film

starring Daniel Day-Lewis. "A wonderful book ...a remarkable study

in leadership". (Barack Obama). "The most uplifting book that I

have read in the last two decades. Sensational". (Jon Snow). "Team

of Rivals" shows how Abraham Lincoln saved Civil War-torn America

by appointing his fiercest rivals to key cabinet positions. As well

as a thrilling piece of narrative history, it's an inspiring study

of one of the greatest leaders the world has ever seen. "I have not

enjoyed a history book as much for years". (Robert Harris). "A

brilliant book...I couldn't get enough of it". (Sir Alex Ferguson).

"A fabulously engrossing, exciting narrative in the grand old style

...overflowing with colour and character". (Dominic Sandbrook). "A

portrait of Lincoln as a virtuosic politician and managerial

genius". (Michiko Kakutani, "New York Times").

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　　Doris Kearns Goodwin won the Pulitzer Prize in history for No

Ordinary Time, which was a bestseller in hardcover and trade paper.

She is also the author of Wait Till Next Year, The Fitzgeralds and

the Kennedys, and Lyndon Johnson and the American Dream. She lives

in Concord, Massachusetts, with her husband, Richard Goodwin.

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Chapter 1: Four Men Waiting

On May 18, 1860, the day when the Republican Party would nominate

its candidate for president, Abraham Lincoln was up early. As he

climbed the stairs to his plainly furnished law office on the west

side of the public square in Springfield, Illinois, breakfast was

being served at the 130-room Chenery House on Fourth Street. Fresh

butter, flour, lard, and eggs were being put out for sale at the

City Grocery Store on North Sixth Street. And in the morning

newspaper, the proprietors at Smith, Wickersham & Company had

announced the arrival of a large spring stock of silks, calicos,

ginghams, and linens, along with a new supply of the latest styles

of hosiery and gloves.

The Republicans had chosen to meet in Chicago. A new convention

hall called the "Wigwam" had been constructed for the occasion. The

first ballot was not due to be called until 10 a.m. and Lincoln,

although patient by nature, was visibly "nervous, fidgety, and

intensely excited." With an outside chance to secure the Republican

nomination for the highest office of the land, he was unable to

focus on his work. Even under ordinary circumstances many would

have found concentration difficult in the untidy office Lincoln

shared with his younger partner, William Herndon. Two worktables,

piled high with papers and correspondence, formed a T in the center

of the room. Additional documents and letters spilled out from the

drawers and pigeonholes of an outmoded secretary in the corner.

When he needed a particular piece of correspondence, Lincoln had to

rifle through disorderly stacks of paper, rummaging, as a last

resort, in the lining of his old plug hat, where he often put stray

letters or notes.

Restlessly descending to the street, he passed the state capitol

building, set back from the road, and the open lot where he played

handball with his friends, and climbed a short set of stairs to the

office of the Illinois State Journal, the local Republican

newspaper. The editorial room on the second floor, with a central

large wood-burning stove, was a gathering place for the exchange of

news and gossip.

He wandered over to the telegraph office on the north side of

the square to see if any new dispatches had come in. There were few

outward signs that this was a day of special moment and expectation

in the history of Springfield, scant record of any celebration or

festivity planned should Lincoln, long their fellow townsman,

actually secure the nomination. That he had garnered the support of

the Illinois delegation at the state convention at Decatur earlier

that month was widely understood to be a "complimentary" gesture.

Yet if there were no firm plans to celebrate his dark horse bid,

Lincoln knew well the ardor of his staunch circle of friends

already at work on his behalf on the floor of the Wigwam.

The hands of the town clock on the steeple of the Baptist church

on Adams Street must have seemed not to move. When Lincoln learned

that his longtime friend James Conkling had returned unexpectedly

from the convention the previous evening, he walked over to

Conkling's office above Chatterton's jewelry store. Told that his

friend was expected within the hour, he returned to his own

quarters, intending to come back as soon as Conkling arrived.

Lincoln's shock of black hair, brown furrowed face, and deep-set

eyes made him look older than his fifty-one years. He was a

familiar figure to almost everyone in Springfield, as was his

singular way of walking, which gave the impression that his long,

gaunt frame needed oiling. He plodded forward in an awkward manner,

hands hanging at his sides or folded behind his back. His step had

no spring, his partner William Herndon recalled. He lifted his

whole foot at once rather than lifting from the toes and then

thrust the whole foot down on the ground rather than landing on his

heel. "His legs," another observer noted, "seemed to drag from the

knees down, like those of a laborer going home after a hard day's

work."

His features, even supporters conceded, were not such "as belong

to a handsome man." In repose, his face was "so overspread with

sadness," the reporter Horace White noted, that it seemed as if

"Shakespeare's melancholy Jacques had been translated from the

forest of Arden to the capital of Illinois." Yet, when Lincoln

began to speak, White observed, "this expression of sorrow dropped

from him instantly. His face lighted up with a winning smile, and

where I had a moment before seen only leaden sorrow I now beheld

keen intelligence, genuine kindness of heart, and the promise of

true friendship." If his appearance seemed somewhat odd, what

captivated admirers, another contemporary observed, was "his

winning manner, his ready good humor, and his unaffected kindness

and gentleness." Five minutes in his presence, and "you cease to

think that he is either homely or awkward."

Springfield had been Lincoln's home for nearly a quarter of a

century. He had arrived in the young city to practice law at

twenty-eight years old, riding into town, his great friend

Speed recalled, "on a borrowed horse, with no earthly property save

a pair of saddle-bags containing a few clothes." The city had grown

rapidly, particularly after 1839, when it became the capital of

Illinois. By 1860, Springfield boasted nearly ten thousand

residents, though its business district, designed to accommodate

the expanding population that arrived in town when the legislature

was in session, housed thousands more. Ten hotels radiated from the

public square where the capitol building stood. In addition, there

were multiple saloons and restaurants, seven newspapers, three

billiard halls, dozens of retail stores, three military armories,

and two railroad depots.

Here in Springfield, in the Edwards mansion on the hill, Lincoln

had courted and married "the belle of the town," young Mary Todd,

who had come to live with her married sister, Elizabeth, wife of

Ninian Edwards, the well-to-do son of the former governor of

Illinois. Raised in a prominent Lexington, Kentucky, family, Mary

had received an education far superior to most girls her age. For

four years she had studied languages and literature in an exclusive

boarding school and then spent two additional years in what was

considered graduate study. The story is told of Lincoln's first

meeting with Mary at a festive party. Captivated by her lively

manner, intelligent face, clear blue eyes, and dimpled smile,

Lincoln reportedly said, "I want to dance with you in the worst

way." And, Mary laughingly told her cousin later that night, "he

certainly did." In Springfield, all their children were born, and

one was buried. In that spring of 1860, Mary was forty-two, Robert

sixteen, William nine, and Thomas seven. Edward, the second son,

had died at the age of three.

Their home, described at the time as a modest "two-story frame

house, having a wide hall running through the centre, with parlors

on both sides," stood close to the street and boasted few trees and

no garden. "The adornments were few, but chastely appropriate," one

contemporary observer noted. In the center hall stood "the

customary little table with a white marble top," on which were

arranged flowers, a silver-plated ice-water pitcher, and family

photographs. Along the walls were positioned some chairs and a

sofa. "Everything," a journalist observed, "tended to represent the

home of a man who has battled hard with the fortunes of life, and

whose hard experience had taught him to enjoy whatever of success

belongs to him, rather in solid substance than in showy

display."

During his years in Springfield, Lincoln had forged an unusually

loyal circle of friends. They had worked with him in the state

legislature, helped him in his campaigns for Congress and the

Senate, and now, at this very moment, were guiding his efforts at

the Chicago convention, "moving heaven & Earth," they assured

him, in an attempt to secure him the nomination. These steadfast

companions included David Davis, the Circuit Court judge for the

Eighth District, whose three-hundred-pound body was matched by "a

big brain and a big heart"; Norman Judd, an attorney for the

railroads and chairman of the Illinois Republican state central

committee; Leonard Swett, a lawyer from Bloomington who believed he

knew Lincoln "as intimately as I have ever known any man in my

life"; and Stephen Logan, Lincoln's law partner for three years in

the early forties.

Many of these friendships had been forged during the shared

experience of the "circuit," the eight weeks each spring and fall

when Lincoln and his fellow lawyers journeyed together throughout

the state. They shared rooms and sometimes beds in dusty village

inns and taverns, spending long evenings gathered together around a

blazing fire. The economics of the legal profession in sparsely

populated Illinois were such that lawyers had to move about the

state in the company of the circuit judge, trying thousands of

small cases in order to make a living. The arrival of the traveling

bar brought life and vitality to the county seats, fellow rider

Henry Whitney recalled. Villagers congregated on the courthouse

steps. When the court sessions were complete, everyone would gather

in the local tavern from dusk to dawn, sharing drinks, stories, and

good cheer.

In these convivial settings, Lincoln was invariably the center

of attention. No one could equal his never-ending stream of stories

nor his ability to reproduce them with such contagious mirth. As

his winding tales became more famous, crowds of villagers awaited

his arrival at every stop for the chance to hear a master

storyteller. Everywhere he went, he won devoted followers,

friendships that later emboldened his quest for office. Political

life in these years, the historian Robert Wiebe has observed,

"broke down into clusters of men who were bound together by mutual

trust." And no political circle was more loyally bound than the

band of compatriots working for Lincoln in Chicago.

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shortly before he died from a blood clot at the age of sixty-six in 1905, he dreamed that he had returned "to the White House to the President who turned out to be Mr. Lincoln. He was very kind and considerate, and sympathetic about my illness...He gave me two unimportant letters to answer. I was pleased that this slight order was within my power to obey."

威德写到：“很多晚上，在车里，我一直在想您必须经受的种种严酷折磨，它将是[一场]对智慧和性情的极大考验。对于智慧的考验，您不会失败；但是在六十岁的时候，对我们性情的考验，我们都没有很大把握……”

If I live I'm coming back some time, and then well go right on practising law as if nothing had ever happened.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN, William Henry Seward, Salmon Chase, and Edward Bates were members of a restless generation of Americans, destined to leave behind the eighteenth-century world of their fathers. Bates, the oldest, was born when George Washington was still president; Seward and Chase during Jefferson’s administration; Lincoln shortly before James Madison took over. Thousands of miles separate their birthplaces in Virginia, New York, New Hampshire, and Kentucky. Nonetheless, social and economic forces shaped their paths with marked similarities. Despite striking differences in station, talent, and temperament, all four aspirants for the Republican nomination left home, journeyed west, studied law, dedicated themselves to public service, joined the Whig Party, developed a reputation for orator...

Meanwhile, he continued to speak out on behalf of black citizens. In March 1846, a terrifying massacre took place in Seward’s hometown. A twenty-three-year-old black man named William Freeman, recently released from prison after serving five years for a crime it was later determined he did not commit, entered the home of John Van Nest, a wealthy farmer and friend of Seward’s. Armed with two knives, he killed Van Nest, his pregnant wife, their small child, and Mrs. Van Nest’s mother. When he was caught within hours, Freeman immediately confessed. He exhibited no remorse and laughed uncontrollablyas he spoke. The sheriff hauled him away, barely reaching the jail ahead of an enraged mob intent upon lynchinghim. “I trust in the mercy of God thatI shall never again be a witness to such an outbu...

which lasted nearly four hours. At one point, Seward interrupted to ask for an explanation of something Douglas had said. “Ah,” Douglas retorted, “youcan’t crawl behind that free n-r dodge.” In reply, Seward said: “Douglas, no man will ever be President of the United States who spells ‘negro’ with two gs.”

编辑推荐

　　普利策获奖得主、历史学家Doris Kearns

Goodwin的著作描写了林肯政治团队“四虎将“眼中的林肯，这些人都曾是林肯竞选总统时的竞争者，但后来被林肯强大的人格魅力所感召，成为他的得力干将的故事。

　　From Publishers Weekly

　　While Goodwin's introduction is a helpful summary and explanation

for why another book about Lincoln, her reading abilities are

limited: Her tone is flat and dry, and her articulation is overly

precise. But the introduction isn't long and we soon arrive at

Richard Thomas's lovely and lively reading of an excellent book.

The abridgment (from 944 pages) makes it easy to follow the

narrative and the underlying theme. Pauses are often used to imply

ellipses, and one is never lost. But the audio version might have

been longer, for there is often a wish to know a little more about

some event or personality or relationship. Goodwin's writing is

always sharp and clear, and she uses quotes to great effect. The

book's originality lies in the focus on relationships among the men

Lincoln chose for his cabinet and highest offices: three were his

rivals for the Republican presidential nomination in 1860, and each

considered himself the only worthy candidate. One is left with a

concrete picture of Lincoln's political genius—derived from a

character without malice or jealousy—which shaped the history of

our nation. One is also left with the painful sense of how our

history might have differed had Lincoln lived to guide the

Reconstruction.

　　From Bookmarks Magazine

　　Critics generally agree that Goodwin’s 10-year project on Honest

Abe paid off. Many lauded the well-rounded, intimate, and admiring

portrait she paints of our 16th president by weaving some good

old-fashioned storytelling with the hard facts. Abe’s cabinet

members, Seward in particular, also receive their due. Despite the

more than 100 pages of footnotes that chronicle Goodwin’s

impressive primary research, a few critics found the book

redundant, its first third difficult to read, and Lincoln’s stand

on race nearly ignored. Overall, however, most reviewers found Team

of Rivals remarkably resonant today, given the young Lincoln’s

brash attacks on President Polk, who he claimed pushed the country

into the needless Mexican War. For an inside look at Abe’s

political genius, Goodwin’s work is a good place to start.

　　From Booklist

　　*Starred Review* Lincoln redux. Nevertheless, popular historian

Goodwin offers fresh ground by which to judge the almost overdone

sixteenth president. She is fascinated by the "growth of Lincoln's

political genius," which resulted in two rather startling

situations having to do with his career. First, that despite

"coming from nowhere," he won the 1860 Republican nomination,

snatching it from the anticipating hands of three chief contenders,

all of whom were not only well known but also known to be

presidential material: William Seward, senator from New York;

Salmon Chase, governor of Ohio; and Edwin Bates, distinguished

politician from Missouri. Second, that once Lincoln achieved the

nomination and won the election, he brought his rivals into his

cabinet and built them into a remarkable team to lead the Union

during the Civil War, none of whom overshadowed the prairie lawyer

turned president. Goodwin finds meaningful comparisons and

differences in not only the four men's careers but also their

personal lives and character traits. She extends her purview to the

women occupying important space next to them (the wives of Lincoln,

Seward, and Bates and the daughter of the widower Chase). The

knowledge gained here about these three significant figures who

well attended Lincoln gain for the reader an even keener

appreciation of the rare individual that he was. Brad Hooper

媒体评论

A wonderful book ... a remarkable study in leadership -- Barack

Obama The most uplifting book that I have read in the last two

decades. Sensational -- Jon Snow I have not enjoyed a history book

as much for years -- Robert Harris The Observer (Books of the Year)

A fabulously engrossing, exciting narrative in the grand old style

... overflowing with colour and character -- Dominic Sandbrook A

brilliant book ... I couldn't get enough of it -- Alex Ferguson

Goodwin's narrative abilities are on full display here. A portrait

of Lincoln as a virtuosic politician and managerial genius --

Michiko Kakutani New York Times

From The Washington Post

The Constitution makes no provision for a president's cabinet.

After all, no one in the Constitutional Convention in 1787 ever

thought the office of the president would require much more than

secretarial help. If there was to be a council of state or an

assembly of sage heads in the new republic, the Framers expected

that it could be found in the Senate. But the Senate, as George

Washington discovered, was too political and fractious a body to

play that role. And the men he had invited to serve as his

executive secretaries -- Thomas Jefferson, Alexander Hamilton,

Henry Knox -- were of such extraordinary abilities that by the end

of Washington's first administration, a "cabinet" of advisers and

administrators with wide latitude to execute presidential policy

was already emerging.

This did not mean that the president's cabinet acquired any

predictable shape. Cabinets have been recruited by wildly different

rules, from the purest cronyism (under Andrew Jackson) to the

purest impartiality (under John Quincy Adams, who tried to

construct a cabinet that included some of his deadliest political

opponents). Sometimes cabinet secretaries have been submissive

messengers of the president's will; sometimes they have used their

independent political power to subvert his policies. Not even the

size of the cabinet has remained stable. Washington had a cabinet

of four (if we include his attorney general); John Adams added a

fifth, the secretary of the navy, in 1798. George W. Bush has 15

cabinet posts, along with four other cabinet-rank executive

positions. To date, almost no serious critical literature exists to

give it all coherence.

Which means that the task the popular historian Doris Kearns

Goodwin has set for herself in writing the history of Abraham

Lincoln and his cabinet in Team of Rivals is neither easy nor

immediately attractive. But this immense, finely boned book is no

dull administrative or bureaucratic history; rather, it is a story

of personalities -- a messianic drama, if you will -- in which

Lincoln must increase and the others must decrease.

By the time Lincoln became president, cabinet-making had reached

the point where cabinet members threatened to overshadow the

president who had nominated them. The weak-kneed presidents of the

1850s -- Millard Fillmore, Franklin Pierce, James Buchanan -- were

routinely upstaged or subverted by their secretaries of war and

state. And Lincoln did not look at first like any great

improvement. He had earned a leading place in Republican Party

politics in Illinois and snatched some fleeting national attention

by challenging the mighty Stephen Douglas for the Senate in 1858 --

and almost winning the Democrat's seat. But Lincoln enjoyed nothing

like the stature of New York's William H. Seward, Ohio's Salmon P.

Chase (the John McCain of mid-century Republicanism),

Pennsylvania's Simon Cameron or Missouri's Edward Bates. Yet

obscurity cut both ways: Seward, Chase and the others had spent so

long in the political limelight that each had acquired a legion of

unforgiving enemies. Lincoln, at least, had offended none, and so

the nomination swung to him. But once elected, he had to come to

terms with the damaged egos of the party's jilted, and there was no

guarantee that they would defer to this little known circuit lawyer

from the prairies. Losing the nomination humiliated Seward, and

Chase writhed with ambition for the presidency. These were exactly

the sort of advisers whom Lincoln, as an executive-branch novice,

would have been well advised to keep far away from Washington.

Instead, he offered the State Department to Seward, the War

Department to Cameron and the Treasury to Chase, knowing that (in

the days before the creation of a professional civil service) he

was also handing them the keys to the federal patronage system and

the opportunity to build rival political empires of their own.

Lincoln did this partly because he had no real choice. He was

painfully aware of his outsider status in Washington, and with no

close political allies of national stature, he had no one else to

whom he could turn to give his administration political ballast.

Partly, Lincoln was guided by his long association with the Whig

Party. The Whigs split and disintegrated as a national political

party in the mid-1850s, and Lincoln had gone over to the new

Republican Party in 1856. But his old political habits retained

their hold on him, including the lofty Whig assertion that they

were above partisanship -- statesmen rather than party hacks,

dedicated to promoting national unity rather than special

interests. It was entirely consistent with Lincoln's old Whig

instincts to create "an administration of all the talents" (to

borrow an old parliamentary phrase), even if the people he invited

into it could be expected to stab him in the back.

But Lincoln's selection of a cabinet of rivals was also an

expression of a shrewdness that few people could appreciate in

1861. Keeping Seward and Chase within his administration gave him

more opportunities to control them and fewer opportunities for them

to create political mischief. It also guaranteed that, in any

controversy, he could count on Seward and Chase to back-stab each

other, allowing him to emerge afterward as the all-powerful settler

of disputes. And to improve his chances for command by limiting

their ability to roil the political waters, Lincoln added two of

his loyalists, Montgomery Blair as postmaster general and Gideon

Welles as secretary of the Navy, to serve as his bulldogs if any of

the others grew uppity. Seward, Chase or Bates might have uncorked

this plan by simply refusing Lincoln's initial proffer of a cabinet

post. But the president had correctly guessed that none of them

could bring himself to refuse even secondhand prestige. From that

moment, Goodwin observes, Lincoln had them in his power, and he

never let them go. "He is managing this war, the draft, foreign

relations, and planning a reconstruction of the Union, all at

once," marveled Lincoln's secretary, John Hay, in 1863. "I never

knew with what tyrannous authority he rules the Cabinet, till now.

The most important things he decides and there is no cavil."

Team of Rivals tells the story of Lincoln's prudent political

management as a highly personal tale, not a political or

bureaucratic one. Goodwin's Seward is primarily the wounded but

ultimately resilient politico who becomes Lincoln's cheerleader,

rather than the manager of a vast network of diplomatic personnel

and paperwork. Goodwin's Chase is the envious, holier-than-thou

puritan whose passion for recognition and affirmation reduces

everyone, including his daughter Kate, to a cipher for his own

advancement; the book gives us very little about Chase's superb

management of the Treasury. These are not novel interpretations,

but the portraits are drawn in spacious detail and with great

skill. In this respect, Team of Rivals is a strictly conventional

sort of narrative that does not press much beyond the horizons set

in 1946 by Burton J. Hendrick's classic Lincoln's War Cabinet. But

good narrative in American history is what we lack, and Goodwin's

narrative powers are great.

Like Seward and Hay, Goodwin comes to the close of Team of

Rivals amazed and delighted to find "that Abraham Lincoln would

emerge the undisputed captain of this most unusual cabinet" and

thereby "prove to others a most unexpected greatness." Those who

had known Lincoln before would have nodded appreciatively. Leonard

Swett, who rode the Illinois circuit courts with Lincoln in the old

days, once remarked that "beneath a smooth surface of candor and an

apparent declaration of all his thoughts and feelings, he exercised

the most exalted tact and the wisest discrimination. He handled and

moved men remotely as we do pieces upon a chessboard." That "tact"

saved the Union. It also mastered his cabinet. Team of Rivals will

move readers to wonder whether the former might have been easier

than the latter.

书籍介绍

"Team of Rivals" is a brilliant, multi-million selling biography, now the inspiration for a major Stephen Spielberg film starring Daniel Day-Lewis. "A wonderful book ...a remarkable study in leadership". (Barack Obama). "The most uplifting book that I have read in the last two decades. Sensational". (Jon Snow). "Team of Rivals" shows how Abraham Lincoln saved Civil War-torn America by appointing his fiercest rivals to key cabinet positions. As well as a thrilling piece of narrative history, it's an inspiring study of one of the greatest leaders the world has ever seen. "I have not enjoyed a history book as much for years". (Robert Harris). "A brilliant book...I couldn't get enough of it". (Sir Alex Ferguson). "A fabulously engrossing, exciting narrative in the grand old style ...overflowing with colour and character". (Dominic Sandbrook). "A portrait of Lincoln as a virtuosic politician and managerial genius". (Michiko Kakutani, "New York Times").